Siege Page 4

  Those who disagree totally would also believe we can win through the electorate, with the consent of the masses. Those who partially agree, I suppose, imagine we will have to fight a "partial" revolution. Despite hopeful showings of any Nazi or Klan candidates at the polls, it amounts to nothing concrete; if they gain a lot of votes but fail to win the election they are as bad off as before because those voters haven't got the guts to do anything more than pull a lever in secret... they'll never make contact or provide support directly; and those that may win the election are in for the hassle of their lives dealing with "fellow Democrats", etc., who are rabidly pro-Jew, pro-Black, if not outright Red. (But hats off to those few who try as they do lend to the revolutionary climate and help reveal by their results what the national pulse-rate is like, and what kind of potential support we might expect once a full-scale revolt is launched).

  And here again, can you picture a scenario like this: that great "Silent Majority" has at last gotten fed up, found its wits and given the Nazis or the Klan a voter mandate. The Jews, the Blacks, and the assorted fanatic Reds, etc. least of all to mention the entrenched Capitalist System manned largely by sick, liberal Whites give up, say it was a fair fight, shake hands and turn it all over to us. It's just too crazy to contemplate. If it even started to look like we were verging on some kind of real power they'd go nuts and pull out all stops against us. It has even been predicted that they would go as far as to use H-Bombs against any large strongholds and I wouldn't doubt it a bit considering the stakes.

  It'll be a real fight but it won't be a fair fight. Matters of survival seldom are.

  [Vol IX, # 4- Aug., 1980]

  Serious Steps

  Hitler did not arrive at January 30th, 1933, in a dream. Nor was the NSDAP [National Socialist German Worker's Party] itself an idle concoction. Hitler did not get off the ground politically until after he was thirty years of age, after he had been orphaned, after he had existed in the streets of Vienna, after he had gone through the horrors of the First World War. The idea of National Socialism, the Swastika, the social ferment and disorder in Germany and Europe, even the very men who were to make up his winning team, every element was there, in place, active, just waiting for Hitler to appear as catalyst that would lead to the Machitergreifung [seizure of power] in 1933. At no point did Hitler, in his off-hours or his idle frustration, imagine that any idea, effort, or group would be "keen", "swift", "fun", or "groovy". Everything that was done was done because it HAD to be done. Hitler, like the master that he was, with consummate skill, played the ball exactly where it lay, utilizing the forces and elements at hand around him, applying them effectively and appropriately, step-by-step, to VICTORY.

  Joseph Tommasi did the very same thing as Adolf Hitler. Perhaps his is the closest comparison to Hitler's methodology to date. Was he a copy-cat, aping the Marxists? If he was, so was Hitler. In all frankness, he took the name SIEGE from an L.A. County Library book by that title which was devoted to the Weather Underground faction of the SDS [the militant Leftist group Students for a Democratic Society]. He took the name National Socialist Liberation Front from an earlier Movement effort at organizing Whites on campuses, a name, by the way, copied from the National Liberation Front of the Viet Cong. He let his hair grow long and wore olive drab fatigues. This and much more he adopted solely in order to "get with the times" and manners of the present day reality, in order to be EFFECTIVE. And he was tremendously effective in the one year of life he had left to him from 1974 to 1975. Crackpot games and escapades don't generally outlive their progenitors by a decade, going on to gain strength and influence and to set the pace for the rest of an entire school of thought.

  I mention Tommasi and the NSLF as major landmarks in our desperate drive to get serious in our modus operandi. Even with Universal Order I retain the publication title of SIEGE as tribute to this fact. Getting a bit deeper, war is to politics what politics is to the Idea. Of course minus the Idea, all is futile, just like the "power" wielded by the System and the Jews. Tommasi was more of a great general than he was a philosopher. He opened our eyes to strategy and tactics rather than the nature of our purpose. But is that not precisely what we are in direst need of? It won't get there unless we PUT IT THERE. Thinking about it, and writing about it won't put it there. Only a serious, step-by-step program of organized ACTION will bring it about. And not "treadmill" action but FORWARD action.

  [Vol. XII, #7- July, 1983]

  Above A Whisper

  My own formal initiation into the ranks of the "hard-core" took place in the barracks and the ward rooms of the American Nazi Party headquarters in Arlington, Virginia, during the latter half of the 1960's. There, amidst the off-hours high jinks, the "smokin' 'n' jokin" typical of the paramilitary style of the day, would come forth expressions of unsanctioned, forbidden ideas of violence and revolution more closely resembling those of the Enemy we were regularly fighting in the streets of Washington, D.C., as the Vietnam War raged ten thousand miles away. We believed in what we were doing but most of us felt uncomfortable, left wanting with the current program and strategy. We wanted to attack the real Enemy, and, furthermore, we were more than tired of knocking down Enemy minions only to have them get back up later.

  We openly confided among ourselves - the duty officers, the pressmen, the clerks, shippers, the rank-and-file troopers - that what was required was a gaping hole knocked in the System order-of-things so that blood could be splashed from one end of the country to the other. None of the officers ever voiced these same opinions and, to be sure, they never inquired of ours. Nothing was open for discussion between these two sharply distinct levels. It was Right Wingism at its darkest. It was never spoken, never printed and was, in fact, taboo in official Party dealings. In those days we were still wasting our time - and our blood - defending the honor of an all-but-dead Republic against a mob of vile Jews, Liberals, Blacks, etc., demonstrating for its final demise and, in our printed propaganda, taking a futile and sado-masochistic trip by dredging up the most recent outrages committed by Blacks in the streets and Jews and traitors in the government.

  The loss of Commander Rockwell was so recent and his memory so fresh then that we carried on in his absence as though we expected his eventual return. As it turned out, no one had the vaguest idea of what to do or how to do it. The prevailing school of thought was that of "Professionalism & Orthodoxy", in other words, to continue the "1933 approach". I recall one heated occasion when I crossed ideological and strategic swords with one junior officer at the headquarters building. I was talking then a very adolescent version of what I'm talking now and his response was that I would one day have to be "restrained"... by the Party. He hasn't been active now in many years.

  But just as vividly I recall the first snapping of the ice in the earliest springtime of our Movement as we have it today. The refreshing and invigorating changes were first provided by Dr. William Pierce, as our propaganda chief then, in his hugely effective and widely listened to "White Power Messages" that thousands of people across the country would call in to hear. He had recorded a message in reference to a certain clique of Senators and Congressmen who were busy selling-out the soldiers in Vietnam. He concluded that one doesn't talk against people like these, one doesn't vote against them in the next election, one KILLS THEM. About that same time, during one of his addresses to the First Party Congress in 1969, after he had invited questions from the floor and one naive delegate asked what we should do with the White race traitors, he spoke not a word but, gesturing with thumb and index finger forming the barrel and hammer of a pistol being fired, brought the entire assembly to its feet in the loudest outburst of cheering and applause heard during that three-day gathering.

  So it was out, above a whisper, and, more than that, it was official. In less than one year. Dr. Pierce was out of the Party and on his own with the endeavor he still currently heads. Through a number of cosmetic and tactical changes in style and technique, he has never in thirteen years compromised his stan
d as being among the foremost of the Hard Core Idealists. And whose name and organization carries more weight in Movement circles today than Dr. William Pierce and the National Alliance?

  [Vol. XII, #8- Aug., 1983]

  The Long Road We've Traveled

  The distance we've traveled in the past decade can only be measured in terms of light years. How far, after all, is it from Commander Rockwell's expressed ideal of the 'American Constitutional Republic' to 'Helter Skelter'? From "good citizenship" and conformity to total drop-out and total revolution? From the trial and execution of a few thousand traitors in high places to the drowning in blood of entire social and genetic segments of the population? From an old A.N.P. slogan, "White Man, Stand With Us or Stand Out of Our Way!", to where there are no innocents, no non-combatants?

  Consider how far we've come from the days when discussion revolved around what would take place after our legal and orderly assumption of power, as mandated by the people, to today where two schools of thought prevail: whether a war will destroy the System or whether it will collapse under its own rotten weight. Regardless how, the result will be the same. Those who survive the initial period of absolute chaos that immediately follows will crawl out of their holes and take up the struggle on newly equalized terms: animal to animal.

  [Vol. XII, #8- Aug., 1983]

  Something That Will Work

  This would almost call for a "mass" movement but here again we must carefully watch our definitions and understanding. By "masses" we need at most only a few hundred thousand more-or-less hardcore people committed to revolution and, to get and keep this discussion down-to-earth, we have been on the verge of going after these few hundred thousand twice before in the history of the Movement in the United States. Not only in theory but in actuality as newspaper headlines and membership rosters showed. First in 1966 and again in 1973. As strange as it may sound, the opportunities of 1966 were lost well before Commander Rockwell was assassinated. And certainly there was no such single incident in 1973 [comparable to assassination of the leader] that could be easily blamed for the downward trend that next set in. In both instances the revolutionary political groundwork had not been tended to in advance of the laborious and painstaking street work which was eventually - and all too fleetingly - crowned with the reward of some significant numerical clout.

  I'm sure also that had the pitfalls of having no solid chain-of-command reinforced and ready for the sudden challenge of hard success somehow been accidentally avoided, then still the moment would have been lost due to a lack of greater direction - a revolutionary plan - when suddenly called for. And such a thing can rarely be supplied by accident. Getting into the rut of rolling with the blows is dangerous because it gets habit-forming and it numbs the senses and imagination. We have to know exactly what we'd do with a real political machine if we had one right now, for if we were handed one - or the means of getting one and did not know precisely what to do with it, we'd quickly blow it.

  In 1966 Commander Rockwell was unable to EXPLOIT the God-given opportunity that presented itself in Chicago that summer and fall. He always considered and referred to himself as being the spearhead of the Right Wing and when the historic moment arrived during the time of the Black riots in major cities, when Commander Rockwell was doing his best spearheading activities, he was LET DOWN AND BETRAYED by his own side. They failed to act in support even when, as the Commander himself pointed out, they stood to gain more from his efforts than he did because in the main, those people recruited by an intensive, unified Right Wing drive would naturally gravitate toward the "softer", "easier" names and approaches like the NSRP [National States' Rights Party] and various Mans. The Commander said all along that he only wanted and would only get what any true spearhead outfit must have: FIGHTING MEN! The apex moment of the 1960's was thus lost.

  In 1973, through constant activity nationwide and through some admirable policies of professionalism, the Movement stood ready to break into what Commander Rockwell would have called "Phase Three", or the phase of mass action. We then had more leaders than had been on the scene in 1966. Rather than wait for a moment to come, we made our own. Not only that but we also chose the place: Cleveland. Over one hundred uniformed, helmeted Troopers marched down the middle of Euclid Avenue that Labor Day and formed-up in a public square for a rally. And though the opposition was there - from the System and from the Reds - we were too strong. Had that sort of show of strength and discipline been maintained and repeated in various other cities it most likely would have, first, broken the "spell" of thousands who were hovering on the brink of committing openly and, second, prompted panic reactions on the part of every aspect of our racial Enemy thus providing obvious and inescapable openings for further and greater EXPLOITATION.

  What set in next, both in 1966 and 1973, is what we must now learn to recognize and make our new effort far less vulnerable - if not altogether immune - to. There seemed to be no absolute commitment to REVOLUTION. No one seemed to know what the goal really was. The prevailing leadership at both times used the term "White Revolution" copiously in their propaganda but they thought only in terms of a revolutionary ideal or of a revolutionary social change far down the road somewhere. They did not fully subscribe to TOTAL REVOLUTION NOW! And not only the men at the very top. The one-man show has proved it can't get to first base. To be legitimate, a revolutionary political movement must have at least about a dozen or more leading, prominent figures. No one among the cadres being built at those times (with the single outstanding exception of Joseph Tommasi) was thinking purely revolutionary. Everyone had their own ideas, and were bent on doing their own trip. When the "fun" stopped, when the "thrill" wore off, when the self-gratification halted, they split. Also because they had their own conceptions, most of the rules of good common sense got walked all over - primarily during and after 1973 - resulting in petty bureaucracy followed closely by alienation and the effective destruction of the one party.

  Had everyone concerned been completely committed to REVOLUTION OVER THE SYSTEM then it would have been a much easier task to sublimate the personal feelings and weaknesses which destroyed their efforts ultimately. The most incompatible of personalities can work together effectively for revolution but hardly for a damned thing else. The most limited and klutzy individual can understand the common sacred drive to SMASH THE SYSTEM. Everyone can find his or her proper place in the WAR AGAINST THE ESTABLISHMENT. The Communists have proven this in a dozen historic cases, all of them recent. Once we get our fallible and undependable selves sublimated to REVOLUTION then the rest should come easy when compared to the endless, nowhere drag of past years. Once accomplished, then all the "right" and the high ideals will have some meaning and can be put to some use. Instead of the current hindrance, they will have become the "end" that justifies whatever "means" may be necessary.

  [Vol. XI #1-Jan., 1982]

  When Right Wing Becomes Revolution

  You've all read of the arrests in New Orleans made in connection with the projected plan involving the island of Dominica in the Caribbean Sea . I must comment at the start of this that a D-Day on the part of the Ku Klux Klan is a long way from burning crosses in cow pastures. That is encouraging enough right there. But because it was a first, infant step, it failed. It failed however for reasons easily corrected. It was a good idea and it was not bound to fail. Loose lips sink ships, always did and always will. I'm not trying to pick apart a mission that failed for reasons either inside or outside but I am wondering about something that could have still happened but did not.

  It was reported that the KKK members were arrested with automatic weapons, about to embark by boat from New Orleans . Why did this happen? Why should ten men with automatic weapons about to leave the United States by boat be arrested? How could they be arrested unless they themselves decided in their own minds to let themselves be arrested? Instead of the end of a Right Wing mission, it could have and should have been the beginning of a revolutionary one. It could have begun right th
ere on the pier.

  They might be dead or out to sea right now but they'd be free and the System would most definitely have bled and the White Man would have scored a solid hit against the forces of Big Brother. Instead, these men are in a limbo and facing many years in prison while no real action was ever taken. Think of the tragic waste! They still maintained the old Right Wing notion of "getting away" with something; they felt individual life too sweet to take the dare and RESIST!

  One set of equations that Joe Tommasi never got around to mentioning regarding the levels of the struggle is this: in the past the Right Wing pulled stupid stunts against Blacks and other useless expendables and then ran away hoping not to be caught later by Big Brother but usually were caught, and then offered no RESISTANCE. (Trying to defend yourself in Big Brother's courtrooms is not resistance.) Lately some of the Movement have been choosing better, higher targets but still put themselves in a runaway kind of position where they are either caught right on the spot or after a manhunt. Again, little or no resistance (except in the heroic case of Fred Cowan who would not be taken). The two levels which the Movement is steadily evolving toward are these: first, if they must put themselves in a hit-and-run position then they will have made up their minds at the start to not surrender by the rules of the System's game. The final level is when they have begun to hit and keep on hitting, never considering detection much less capture because they are completely involved with the ongoing attack. This final level of struggle shall be when the so-called 'capture parties' sent by Big Brother go out but don't come back.